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7	7	This NSF-supported project* compared societies/populations normally studied by different disciplines and tested theories derived from each of the disciplines across varied geographic and temporal domains. To maximize the range of both environmental and cultural diversity, the worldwide samples compared and contrasted varied in the frequency, severity, and predictability of hazards they experienced related to food production, storage and availability. The broadest research questions asked were: //How have unpredictable hazards transformed culture? Do unpredictable hazards lead to different cultural transformations than do more predictable hazards, such as chronic scarcity? Under what conditions are contingency plans overwhelmed in the face of natural hazards that are more severe or more frequent than normal? We believe //answers to these questions will give insights into people’s future engagement with climate change.
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9		-Hypotheses and models were tested across three different domains and data-sets: 1) a worldwide sample of about 100 largely nonindustrial (“traditional”) societies described by ethnographers; 2) a worldwide sample of prehistoric traditions described by archaeologists; 3) and a worldwide sample of contemporary countries with data collected through individual interviews. To compliment data on natural hazards from historical and contemporary observations, a climatologist obtained rainfall and temperature data to arrive at independent measures of environmental predictability and variability. Controlling for type of economy and political system, predictable patterns of resilient behaviors in time and space were expected in the face of unpredictable hazards—such as contingency plans, subsistence diversification, and sociocultural transformations that expand and solidify cooperation and networks. More specifically, the sociocultural transformations were theorized to include higher levels of food and labor sharing, more communal property, stronger norms and punishment (cultural "tightness"), changes in leadership strategies, and more belief that gods are involved with weather.
	9	+Hypotheses and models were tested across three different domains and data-sets: 1) a worldwide sample of about 100 largely nonindustrial (“traditional”) societies described by ethnographers; 2) a worldwide sample of prehistoric traditions described by archaeologists; 3) and a worldwide sample of contemporary countries with data collected through individual interviews. To compliment data on natural hazards from historical and contemporary observations, a climatologist obtained rainfall and temperature data to arrive at independent measures of environmental predictability and variability. Controlling for type of economy and political system, predictable patterns of resilient behaviors in time and space were expected in the face of unpredictable hazards—such as contingency plans, subsistence diversification, and sociocultural transformations that expand and solidify cooperation and networks. More specifically, the sociocultural transformations were theorized to include higher levels of food and labor sharing, more communal property, more subsistence diversification, stronger norms and punishment (cultural "tightness"), changes in leadership strategies, and more belief that gods are involved with weather.
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11		-In our comparison of nonindustrial societies we have found that societies with more natural hazards and other resource stressors generally have: 1) more customary community food and labor sharing; 2) more subsistence diversification~-~-both relying on different types of subsistence strategies as well as using diverse types of land and water landscapes for collecting and producing food; 3) “tighter” cultures (those with stronger norms and more punishment for deviation from rules); and 4) beliefs that gods are involved with weather in some way and can help or harm food supply with weather. The sharing and subsistence diversification findings are consistent with the idea that these practices buffer risk and help ensure more stable access to food in the face of resource stress. Cultural “tightness” theory suggests that stronger adherence to rules may be especially adaptive under ecological threat because tightness may bolster cooperation and coordination. And yet, as a comparison of 32 nations suggests, moderate tightness might be more adaptive than too much tightness or too much looseness because extreme scores are associated with worse health and well-being outcomes. Comparisons of both nonindustrial societies and nations suggest that “tighter” societies may produce more authoritarianism and ethnocentrism.
	11	+In our comparison of nonindustrial societies we have found that societies with more resource stressors generally have: 1) more customary community food and labor sharing; “tighter” cultures (those with stronger norms and more punishment for deviation from rules); and 3) beliefs that gods are involved with weather in some way and can help or harm food supply with weather.  Results regarding subsistence diversification and communal property were more nuanced. Climate instabililty and chronic scarcity predicted more diversification, but famine and more frequent natural hazards did not.  With regard to communal property, the difficulty of defending land was a more important predictor than any resource stressors, but drought was a minor predictor. The sharing and subsistence diversification findings are consistent with the idea that these practices buffer risk and help ensure more stable access to food in the face of resource stress. Cultural “tightness” theory suggests that stronger adherence to rules may be especially adaptive under ecological threat because tightness may bolster cooperation and coordination. And yet, as a comparison of 32 nations suggests, moderate tightness might be more adaptive than too much tightness or too much looseness because extreme scores are associated with worse health and well-being outcomes. Comparisons of both nonindustrial societies and nations suggest that “tighter” societies may produce more authoritarianism and ethnocentrism.  more subsistence diversification~-~-both relying on different types of subsistence strategies as well as using diverse types of land and water landscapes for collecting and producing food.
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13		-Not all the results were consistent with our expectations. While we had expected that natural hazards would also predict more communal (rather than private property) to buffer against loss from hazards, our results only suggested a minor role for drought. The need for mobility, such as for hunting or herding large animals in making a living better predicts communal property.
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	14	+~* This 5-year project (2014-2019) was supported by the NSF Interdisciplinary Behavioral and Social Sciences Research (IBSS) program (SMA-1416651) in a grant to the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) at Yale University. PI:  Carol R. Ember (HRAF);  co-PIs: Michele J. Gelfand (Stanford), Benjamin Felzer (Lehigh University), Eric C. Jones (University of Texas-Houston), and Peter N. Peregrine (Lawrence University). Senior Researchers: Teferi Abate Adem (HRAF) and Ian Skoggard (HRAF).
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16		-~* This 5-year project is supported by the NSF Interdisciplinary Behavioral and Social Sciences Research (IBSS) program (SMA-1416651) in a grant to the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) at Yale University. The PI is Carol R. Ember (HRAF) and the co-PIs are: Michele J. Gelfand (University of Maryland), Benjamin Felzer (Lehigh University), Eric C. Jones (University of Texas-Houston), and Peter N. Peregrine (Lawrence University). The Senior Researchers are Teferi Abate Adem (HRAF) and Ian Skoggard (HRAF).
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18	18	[[image:IBSS_ group indoor posed WP 637 (2).jpg||height="152" style="vertical-align:bottom" width="255"]]
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20	20	//The research team met at the HRAF building for their launch meeting in October 2014.  //